Heritage & Destiny assistant editor Peter Rushton reports on a political mockery of justice
Isabel Peralta was notified yesterday that she must soon appear in court in Madrid for the political ‘crime’ of highlighting the Spanish government’s submission to Moroccan blackmail. This notice was delivered while Isabel was working with a group of comrades bringing supplies and helping repair damage in areas of Valencia devastated by recent floods.
As Isabel’s colleagues at H&D exposed almost two years ago, the charges against her result from pressure on the Spanish police exerted by a Moroccan lobbyist with political links to the government of ‘socialist’ Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez.
On 10th December Isabel updated our report with the video below, after visiting the court. Regular updates will continue to appear here, and at the Heritage & Destiny website.
The fact that the case has proceeded so far, serves to confirm Isabel’s original critique of the corrupt relationship between the Spanish and Moroccan authorities, which has already subverted Spain’s immigration policy, and is now subverting the courts.
The case dates back to 18th May 2021, when a demonstration was held outside the Moroccan Embassy in Madrid by a Spanish nationalist youth group. Isabel was at that time a leading activist in this group.
In an interview and speech, both of which were later broadcast on YouTube, Isabel explained the purpose of this demonstration: to draw attention to attempted blackmail being exerted by the Moroccan Government, who were threatening to flood Spain with immigrants unless Spain accepted Moroccan control over Western Sahara.
This is a diplomatic dispute that has been going on for more than half a century, ever since Spain gave up its colonial control over the province once known as Spanish Sahara. Morocco seeks to grab the entire area for itself, but is opposed by an independence movement called Polisario Front, which is backed by Algeria.
It is in Spaniards’ economic interest to back the Polisario, partly in order to remain on good terms with Algeria, which supplies Spain with natural gas. But for the past two years the Moroccan government has exerted blackmail on Spain.
Morocco’s main weapon is control over illegal immigration into Spanish territory. They have indicated that they are prepared to turn the immigration tap on or off. And Spain’s socialist government is naturally unable or unwilling to take firm action against the consequent flood, just as it fails to resist mass immigration from elsewhere.
Essentially this was the background to the demonstration addressed by Isabel Peralta in Madrid in May 2021. The demonstration targeted both the Moroccan government’s blackmail, and the Spanish authorities’ weakness.
Isabel’s interview and speech was making a serious and well-informed case. She explained that the demonstrators had come to the Embassy “to stand up to the indecency of our politicians who look the other way, while we suffer unprecedented racial replacement”.
She emphasised that “the problem here is not Morocco. The problem is what purports to be our own government, which with impunity sets off this explosion: the arrival of immigrants on a massive scale.”
Since politicians were not prepared to stand up to the Moroccan government’s blackmail, Spanish nationalist youth had to come forward. Isabel concluded her interview with words that require some explanation to British readers: “We shall not allow another Green March.”
The Green March – on 6th November 1975 – was the deliberate incursion by 350,000 Moroccans (organised by their government) into what was still Spanish colonial territory, in what is now Western Sahara. Because Spain was beginning its decolonisation, its soldiers were ordered not to open fire and to accept what was essentially an invasion.
So the Green March was a Spanish surrender, abandoning their responsibility to their former colonial subjects. Spain signed the so-called Madrid Accords, which effectively rewarded Morocco for their illegal invasion. (Part of the problem was that this was happening during the last weeks of General Franco’s life: he was dying and incapable of exercising any political authority.)
During her speech to the rally outside the Moroccan Embassy, Isabel picked up the theme that had concluded her interview: “Now as in 1975, they are trying again and they are coming with force, and 5,000 now seems like a lot to us, but in ten years they will seem like few, because if we do not stop them this will be our future: immigration in Europe will supplant our race, our diversity, our religion and our culture, and we are the only ones who are going to fight for it.”
The context is very clear: Isabel is correctly comparing the surrender in 1975, when the Spanish government gave in to Moroccan invaders and betrayed the indigenous people of Western Sahara, to the potential surrender in the 2020s, when today’s Spanish government is similarly weak in the face of Moroccan threats.
It turned out that Isabel was absolutely correct. Not only has the Madrid government continued to allow floods of immigrants, it has also surrendered to Morocco’s blackmail. In March 2022, almost a year after Isabel’s comments, Spain’s socialist government carried out a U-turn and adopted a pro-Moroccan position, abandoning the decades-long Spanish policy that Western Sahara’s future should be settled by a referendum of its inhabitants.
The U-turn threatens vital trade deals including the supply of natural gas from Algeria.
The entire situation is a shambles, rooted in the inability of Spain’s socialist government to stand up for Spanish interests.
As so often across the West, when the arguments of nationalists are vindicated, the authorities’ response is to persecute us. And as so often, weakness in the face of an invader or a blackmailer merely invites further invasion and further blackmail.
This time it is our correspondent Isabel Peralta who is on the frontline. As they prepared their surrender to Morocco, the Spanish authorities launched a prosecution of Isabel, which is now coming to court. Prosecutors have asked for her to be jailed for up to three years.
In presenting her interview and speech as inciting racial violence, prosecutors have deliberately ignored its political context. They have not only deliberately distorted Isabel’s speech, they have even omitted crucial words from the transcript. Isabel clearly said that the demonstration was anti-immigration, but not motivated by hatred of any race. Such hatred, she emphasised, would be absurd since our entire political outlook is based on recognition of racial differences. We are motivated, she pointed out, “by admiration and devotion to our own race in the face of a threat to its very existence”.
The political manipulation at the heart of this case is obvious from official papers that I have examined.
Ten days after the demonstration, Madrid’s political police were visited by Sofia Bencrimo, an employee of a charity that promotes the integration of immigrants. Later the same day these police officers sent a report to the prosecutors: this was the first step in the process leading to Isabel’s criminal trial.
The political police (duly followed by prosecutors) presented Ms Bencrimo’s complaint against Isabel as though it reflected a charity standing up for ordinary immigrants who felt threatened by Isabel’s words. In the entire prosecution dossier of more than 90 pages, which I have studied in detail, Ms Bencrimo’s is the only complaint from anyone outside Spanish officialdom.
Yet the organisation this complainant represented – the Ibn Battuta Foundation, which is now known to be acting as private prosecutor in Isabel’s case in addition to the public prosecutor – is not as simple as police and lawyers pretend.
Its president is Mohammed Chaib Akhdim, a veteran politician and businessman with close personal and financial ties to the Moroccan government – the very people whose actions were being exposed and criticised in Isabel’s speech.
Chaib is a former MP in both the Catalan and Madrid parliaments for the left-wing party PSC (Socialists Party of Catalonia). But he is also a wealthy businessman with financial interests in his native Morocco, and in particular stands to benefit from Morocco taking control of Western Sahara. Since 1992 he was been director of business development in Morocco for COMSA Industrial, a company with vast interests in engineering and construction projects in Morocco, including the disputed territory of Western Sahara.
It is no coincidence that the “charity worker” who brought the complaint against Isabel Peralta was an employee of Chaib’s foundation.
In April this year Prime Minister Sánchez staged a dramatic resignation threat to avoid scrutiny of corruption allegations against himself and his wife. Sánchez is manoeuvred to rally support on the left, and used political leverage to divert investigations.
The timing of the Prime Minister’s resignation threat was related to two developments.
First, a Madrid court opened a preliminary investigation into his wife Begoña Gomez “for the alleged offence of influence peddling and corruption”. This investigation is based on a complaint by Manos Limpias (‘Clean Hands’), a foundation run by Miguel Bernad, a Madrid lawyer (now aged 82) whose political roots are in the nationalist party Fuerza Nueva and who was a senior ally of that party’s leader Blas Piñar.
Curiously, Bernad had personal knowledge of Ms Gomez’s strange family background. Her father Sabiniano Gómez owns several gay sauna establishments in Madrid, and conservative journalists have reported that Miguel Bernad was the city council official responsible for licensing such establishments, which several Spanish newspapers have openly described as homosexual brothels.
It’s certainly an odd connection: the London equivalent would be if Rishi Sunak’s father-in-law had been the owner of Soho saunas rather than being one of the richest men in India…
Perhaps significantly, it’s also known that leading members of Spain’s main conservative party (PP) planned several years ago to carry out investigations of the Prime Minister’s father-in-law and exploit any scandals.
And this is where alleged Moroccan blackmail again becomes relevant.
Pegasus spyware, developed by Israel, was used by Moroccan authorities to target mobile phones belonging to Prime Minister Sánchez and some of his ministers. Rather than press for an investigation and punishment of those who had spied on him, Sánchez was happy to allow the case to drop. Partly because the Israeli company behind the spyware refused to cooperate, a Spanish judge dropped his investigation after 12 months.
Within days of the espionage case being reopened, Sanchez threatened to resign. What further potential revelations does he fear?
What is known is that Morocco spied on Prime Minister Sánchez in 2021, around the time when he suddenly changed Spain’s policy and began to favour Morocco over Western Sahara.
Since then, Sánchez has repeatedly favoured Morocco. In February this year he announced plans for Spanish investment in Morocco totalling €45bn.
Another curious aspect is that the Kingdom of Morocco has close relations not only with Israel (hence their use of Israeli espionage software) but also with Vladimir Putin’s Russia.
In 2016, while preparing to work with Israeli technology to spy on Western European governments, Morocco signed an agreement with Russia to cooperate on military and intelligence matters.
This cooperation has extended since Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. Defying European sanctions, Morocco has become one of the Kremlin’s most important business partners. Morocco imports oil from Russia, and also exports oil to Spain.
If it were found that Sánchez and his Moroccan friends had connived at evading oil sanctions, to the benefit of the Kremlin, this would be a serious betrayal of Europe.
The Spanish government’s failed immigration policy is already a betrayal not only of Spaniards but of all Europeans; if Sánchez (via Morocco) is indirectly aiding the neo-Stalinist war machine, his disgusting record of treachery would be compounded.
As H&D‘s regular readers know, Isabel Peralta has three times had her travel to the UK interrupted due to harassment by border security working with their Spanish and German counterparts. The latest evidence ought to convince the Home Office that the real threat to British and European security interests comes from the Spanish government itself, not from Isabel. We shall continue to fight for our comrade, and we are confident that no obstacle will prevent her from continuing to champion the true Europe, as the brightest beacon of hope for our cause.
We look forward to Isabel’s victory over this politically motivated prosecution – however long that victory takes.
